8/25/2024
武装集団の襲撃相次ぐ バス乗客ら計33人死亡 「テロリストによる残虐な行為だ」過激派組織が関与か パキスタン南西部|TBS NEWS DIG
パキスタン南西部で、武装集団による襲撃事件があいつぎ、あわせて33人が死亡したと報じられています。 現地メディアによりますと、パキスタン南西部バルチスタン州で25日夜、武装集団が幹線道路で複数台のバスなどを停車させました。武装集団は乗客らを降ろして、身分証などを確認したあと、立て続けに銃を発砲。車両に火を放ち、現場から立ち去りました。 この襲撃で、少なくとも23人が死亡したということです。 パキスタン政府は声明で、「テロリストによる残虐な行為だ」と非難していて、バルチスタンの独立を目指す過激派組織が関与したとの見方が強まっています。 また、ロイター通信は26日、バルチスタン州の別の場所でも警察官や民間人が武装集団に銃撃され、10人が死亡したと報じています。
パキスタンで走行中のバス事故が相次ぐ 道路脇の谷底や斜面に転落 少なくとも30人以上死亡|TBS NEWS DIG
パキスタンで走行中のバスが道路脇の谷底や斜面に転落する事故が相次ぎ、合わせて30人以上が死亡しました。 AP通信によりますと、パキスタン北東部パンジャブ州で25日、橋を走行中のバスが谷底に転落し、女性や子どもを含む少なくとも23人が死亡、7人がけがをしたということです。 また、この日、南西部バルチスタン州の高速道路でも、イスラム教シーア派の巡礼者らが乗ったバスが道路脇の斜面に転落し、少なくとも12人が死亡、32人がけがをしました。 巡礼者たちはイランから戻る途中で、バスのブレーキ故障が事故につながったとみられています。 ロイター通信は、パキスタンでは交通ルールが守られず、道路の整備状態が悪いことからバスの事故が多発していると伝えています。
「新条件受け入れられない」 ガザ停戦交渉巡りハマスが声明 早期の合意は見通せず
8/26(月) 6:39配信
ガザ地区の停戦交渉を巡り、仲介国アメリカが提示した新たな案についてイスラム組織「ハマス」が受け入れられないとの考えを示し、早期の停戦合意は見通せなくなりました。 ハマスは25日の声明で、代表団が停戦交渉を仲介するエジプトとカタールの担当者との会談を終え、協議が開かれていたカイロを出発したと明らかにしました。 代表団は協議には参加せず仲介国を通じ、これまでアメリカやイスラエルが提示した案を聞き取ったということです。 ハマスは合意をするためにはガザ地区からイスラエル軍が完全に撤退することなどが含まれていなければならないと主張し、「新たな条件は受け入れられない」と伝えたということです。 停戦交渉を巡っては、ガザ地区とエジプトの境界地帯に軍が駐留することについてアメリカがイスラエルに譲歩を迫るなど妥協点を見出す努力が続いていましたが、早期の停戦合意は見通せなくなりました。
The Coming War Nobody Is Talking About
Aug. 26, 2024, 1:00 a.m. ET
By Afyare A. Elmi and Yusuf Hassan
Trouble has horns to hold but not tails.
This Somali proverb, suggesting that disaster can be prevented but not easily controlled, feels very apt for East Africa right now. Trouble has certainly arrived. Thanks to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia’s expansionist ambitions and reckless designs, the Horn of Africa is on the cusp of a war that would imperil the region and rebound against the rest of the world. It must be stopped before it’s too late.
The catalyst for the conflict is Mr. Abiy’s obsession with making Ethiopia a coastal state. Last year, he declared that Ethiopia could not stay landlocked and must have access to the sea, either by negotiation or by force. Somalia, the weakest of the five coastal countries that border Ethiopia, was the obvious target. On Jan. 1, Mr. Abiy duly signed a memorandum of understanding with the president of Somaliland, a self-declared breakaway republic in northwestern Somalia. In exchange for officially recognizing Somaliland, Ethiopia would gain a 12-mile naval base on the Gulf of Aden. Mr. Abiy would have his coast.
This was a clear violation of Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, recalling Ethiopia’s destructive history of meddling in the country. Somalia immediately rejected the memorandum and mounted a diplomatic offensive, explaining to regional states and international powers that Ethiopia was seeking control of Somali territory through illegal means. The United Nations, the African Union, the United States and the European Union all backed Somalia’s position, emphasizing the necessity of respecting established boundaries and national sovereignty.
Yet despite international pressure, particularly from the Biden administration, Mr. Abiy has remained resolute. He seems to believe that now is the right moment to carry out his plan, as Somalia grapples with an extremist insurgency and the American government is distracted by elections and embroiled in conflicts in the Middle East and Europe. A possible victory for Donald Trump, who Mr. Abiy apparently hopes will either support or be indifferent to his actions, is another boon.
Tensions, bubbling away all year, have escalated in recent weeks. In a display of power, Ethiopia sent its troops to Somalia twice in June, setting off complaints from Somalia to the United Nations Security Council. In July, a local militia in Somalia looted two truckloads of weapons and ammunition sent from Ethiopia, suggesting that arms have made their way into the country, too.
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Somalia, for its part, threatened to expel Ethiopian troops from the African peacekeeping forces in the country and, in a bold move, approved a defense pact with Egypt in July — adding to one it signed earlier in the year with Turkey. Ankara has stepped in to mediate but has been unable to find a solution. With both sides at loggerheads, the region is sitting on a time bomb.
War would be devastating. Involving rival and well-armed nations, ethnic communities, religious groups and international backers, conflict would bring bloodshed and disaster to both countries. Somalia, slowly recovering from a devastating three-decade civil war, would scarcely be able to bear it. Ethiopia is already mired in multiple conflicts within its borders — in its Tigray, Amhara and Oromia regions — and is facing conflict on its Eritrean and Sudanese borders. Another front, stretching thousands of miles, could bring the country to collapse.
The region, already racked by the war in Sudan, would become even more unstable. Conflict could draw in Red Sea states such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Yemen, Sudan, Djibouti and Eritrea, all of which consider the body of water essential for their national security. The United States, China and some European nations already have a military presence in the Red Sea; countries like Turkey, Iran, the United Arab Emirates and Russia have lately entered the fray. The region could quickly become a dangerous battlefield for global and regional powers.
For all its precariousness, East Africa is vital for international commerce and security. The Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea connect Asia to Europe and the Americas, while the Horn serves as Asia’s gateway to the whole African continent. By disrupting key maritime routes, war in the area would endanger global trade. Equally worrying, it would also revive Islamic extremist groups such as Al-Shabaab, which has already claimed to have recruited thousands of young Somalis to fight the Ethiopians. An unstable East Africa poses a risk to the entire world.
Time is short: Another effort at mediation failed this month. To prevent the region from descending into catastrophic conflict, the world — led by the United States — must communicate to Mr. Abiy that his expansionist ambitions won’t be tolerated. Ethiopia, like any other landlocked state, should seek commercial access to the sea through cooperation and economic integration, not deals with secessionists. Washington, which has invested greatly in the region, must also exert pressure on the leaders of East African countries to promote dialogue, as well as try to reconcile Somalia and Somaliland.
It won’t be easy. But the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden are too important to become another war zone, and East Africa is too fragile for reckless adventures. The world must hold this trouble by the horns. Because once it takes off, there will be no tail to restrain it by.https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/26/opinion/ethiopia-somalia-conflict.html
2017年8月17日木曜日
2017年8月17日木曜日
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中国は、水の豊富な南部から水不足の北部に水を送る、
返信削除「南水北調」計画で強引に解決しようとしてるようだ。
水が自給自足できるのは
返信削除大事ですなww
供給過多で
あってもww
>日本はアジアとの絆を断ち切れず
返信削除早急にエンガッチョすべきですな 無理かもな・・・
日本は白人圏の仲間ではあるが、今後日本を目指して押し寄せる有色人種の草刈り場になる可能性が大!
返信削除インバウンドも中止してsin鎖国時代を準備しないと日本人の居場所は隅の隅っこになったりして。
ま、背に腹は替えられん、というわけで、いよいよ人種戦争ですな。
返信削除そうなると、大嫌いだったチャイナなはずが、「わがモンゴロイドの神聖なる共有財産である核チンコミサイルを護持なさっておられるわれらが首領中国様」と手のひら返しで讃えかねんのが、わがネツウヨクオリティw
近親憎悪もありまっせww
削除